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This paper provides a new perspective on the rise and impact of the An Lushan Rebellion 安史之亂 (755-763). It argues for the necessity of reconsidering the outbreak of the rebellion in connection with a series of policies implemented by Emperor Xuanzong (712-756), intended to neutralize the legacy of Empress Wu’s (formally reigning 690-705, but actually in power 655-705) legacy. This legacy arose from the empress’s ambition to build a transcontinental Buddhist empire through fostering religious and commercial ties between East Asia, Central Asia and South Asia. Xuanzong’s efforts to decrease Tang China’s commercial connections to the rest of Asia, especially in Central Asia, weakened China’s transregional commercial network which, in turn, undermined the central government’s capacity to cope with financial, political and military crises. This decrease in commercial connections eventually led to the outbreak of the catastrophic rebellion, which irrevocably ended the style of Buddhism that flourished under the rule of Empress Wu (655-705), characterized as highly cosmopolitan, international and commercial. The rebellion also ushered in a distinct type of agriculturalist Buddhism that contributed to the spread of Chan Buddhism (especially Southern Chan). In this way, the An Lushan Rebellion shall be understood in terms of its global impact: it not only marked Tang China’s forced exit from the competition for hegemony in the Eurasia, but it also made the Islamization of Central Asia an irreversible historical process. Indeed, this watershed even drastically shifted the direction of the whole world history.
Scholars generally agree that the earliest instances of blue-and-white ceramics stemmed from trade between China and Central-West Asia, first appearing in shipwreck salvage dating to the 9th century (between the Abbassid Caliphate and Tang-Song China), along multiple Silk Road cities, and en masse beginning with the 1300s, under the aegis of Pan-Asian trade by Yuan-Mongol rulers. Rather than focus on porcelain as a global object or global material, whose primary visual feature is white, this paper focuses on the history of porcelain as part of the production of geographic knowledge shaped and influenced by the fluidity of the Silk Road. First, the paper explores porcelain as a material process in which the adaptation of blue onto porcelain and the development of white porcelain bodies were parallel and co-eval developments of a ceramic surface. I thus focus on porcelain as a history of a translated surface. Second, the paper clarifies the history and use of various terms for cobalt blue and its geographic sources in historical texts that appeared during and after the Yuan period, including fourteenth-century local administrative sources employing the term qingbai 青白, Ming connoisseurial accounts of Sumali 蘇麻離 and Suboni 蘇勃泥, and Qing court references to still more terms such as Sunibo 蘇泥勃 and Mohamedden blue 回青. Rather than attribute the historical use of these terms as erroneous geological or incomplete geographical knowledge, I suggest that a history of references to the “blue” of blue-and-white ceramics demonstrates how porcelain is not a stable object that can be traced to tell a story of exchange. Instead, a history of porcelain must account for how it was made by borrowing methods from technical art history and a textual analysis. This paper illuminates the important role of porcelain as a surface in mediating knowledge and history, resulting in a global structure mapping the literal movement of raw materials and objects along the Silk Road.
Elite Uighurs migrating from the Uighur homeland in Central Asia to China under the Mongol rule in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries played major roles as cultural middlemen of the Buddhist book culture. This paper examines selected individuals as sponsors, users, translators, and transmitters of Buddhist books over long distance. In addition to traditional textual sources, the study incorporates Buddhist woodcuts excavated in Turfan, as well as epigraphic sources found in southeast and northwest China. Taken together with the Mongol postal system, the elite Uighurs’ vast network extending from China to the Uighur homeland in Central Asia, and to Buddhist countries in South and Southeast Asia can all shed light on how Buddhist books and woodcuts were circulated. Responding to the recent scholarship of spatial history and digital humanities, the study also plans to create a GIS “story map” which visualizes the interlocking networks.
The study highlights two individuals. Mengsusu (1206-1267) was a high-ranking official serving Kubilai Khan before the founding of the Yuan dynasty. Fragments of Buddhist frontispieces found in Turfan reveal Mengsusu’s possible sponsorship of the Buddhist printing in Beijing, as well as his family’s cultural adaptation of Mongolian material culture. It is probably due to his family’s tie to the Buddhist community in the Uighur homeland that the woodcuts were transmitted over long distance back to Central Asia.
The second case shifts to Yihemishi (ca. 1270s-1320s), a wealthy Uighur diplomat, navigator, merchant, who was also a fervent Buddhist donor. He accumulated wealth from actively engaged in the maritime trade and diplomatic missions to South and Southeast Asia, including Sri Lanka and Kingdoms of Malabar and Ma’bar. A broken stele dated 1316 and discovered in Quanzhou reveals his generous sponsorship of more than 100 temples housing the Buddhist Canon. This vast temple network expanded from the Yuan capital Dadu, where imperially-sponsored temples printed and translated Buddhist texts in Uighur and Tibetan, to temples in Fuzhou, where Song Buddhist Canon was reprinted in the Yuan. Finally, his temple network reached out to the peripheral temples in Gansu, where the Uighur and Tangut communities clustered.
Scholars justifiably disagree about whether or not to include the ancient capital of Nara, Japan, as a site along the Silk Road(s). If we compare Buddhist manuscripts preserved in cave 17 of the Mogao grottoes near Dunhuang, in western China, with 8th century manuscripts conserved either in the Shōsōin 正倉院 (more precisely the Shōgozō 聖語蔵 of Tōdaiji 東大寺) or 12th century copies of 8th or 9th century texts included in the Nanatsudera 七寺 or Matsuo shrine 松尾大社 collections, then we can find evidence of a broad tradition of copying “all the scriptures” (yiqie jing or issaikyō 一切経) or a “canon.” Not only is there testimony to this tradition in terms of calligraphy, but also for the practice of writing particular kinds of colophons (okugaki 奥書 or shikigo 識語) to certain key texts such as massive compendia (e.g., Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra 大般若経, Z. no 1, T no. 220), dhāraṇī–sūtras, Abhidharma (e.g., Abhidharmavibhāṣa-śāstra 阿毗曇毗婆沙論, Z no. 1071, T no. 1546), and Āgamas. In this paper I introduce some of the longer colophons from Dunhuang that testify to lay patrons having “canons” copied (e.g., P ch. 2056), and then compare these with several 8th century colophons from Nara (e.g., Madhyamāgama 中阿含経 45, Z no. 769, T no. 125). Next, I explore how most later colophons from Dunhuang and ancient Japan primarily reflect attention to proofreading, with the exception of scriptures copied from the library at Bonshakuji 梵釈寺, an ancient temple in Ōtsu, Shiga prefecture. Finally, I address how we might reconsider notions of the Silk Road(s) from the perspective of an extensive tradition of producing manuscript editions of the Buddhist “canon” in western China to Japan.
レオン・ド・ロニー（Leon de Rosny 1837-1914）は、今日その業績が必ずしも評価されていないが、19世紀後半のフランスにおける日本研究の先駆者として知られた存在である。レオン・ド・ロニー旧蔵の日本古典籍が先にピーター・コ―ニツキ― Peter Kornicki によって目録が刊行され知られているのに対して、約500点を数えるその漢籍の蔵書はあまり知られていない。しかしながらその漢籍は彼の師にあたるスタニスラス・ジュリアン（Stanislas Julien 1797－1873）から遺贈されたものであり、ジュリアンの師のアベル・レミュザ（1788－1832 Abel Rémusat）から継承されたと目される書籍も含まれ、学術史上、貴重視すべきである。日本古典籍には、渡欧した日本の知人から贈られたものや、パリ万国博覧会に出品されたものが見いだされ、またそれらの書籍の一部がレオン・ド・ロニーが編纂した日本語教科書の教材として使用されている例も少なくない。彼の日本語教科書は、今日の一般的な水準から見て組織的な編纂とは言えないが、同時代の多様な日本の書記言語を収録した実践的な内容と言いうる。漢籍の蔵書は、明・万暦版（16世紀後半）から清・光緒版（19世紀末）までを含み、雍正・乾隆・嘉慶・道光期（18世紀中葉～19世紀中葉）の版本が多い。四部分類した大体の傾向は、経部（110部）、史部（90部）、子部（200部）、集部（80部）となる。中国・日本の一般的な漢籍蔵書に比べた印象として言えば、経書・諸子（思想）の文献少なく、仏教・道家の文献は比較的豊富であり、歴史文献も少なく、地理・制度に関する文献は比較的豊富である。頭注・脚注などを附した通俗的な書籍や白話小説などが多い。全体として言語・文字習得のための書籍という意味合いが強い。また、日本に全く伝本が無いか、または伝本の少ない書籍も多く、日本への漢籍の流通経路と欧州への漢籍の流通経路の相異を反映するものかもしれない。
萊昂・戴 羅斯尼（León de Rosny 1837-1914）在今日其研究業績並非沒有得到一定的評價，其作為19世紀後半法國在日本研究方面的先驅而為人所熟知。相對於之前借由彼得・柯尼克（Peter Kornicki）刊行的目錄而被人知曉的部分而言，尚有為數約500件的漢籍藏書並不十分為人所知。但這一部分漢籍是羅尼的老師斯坦尼斯拉斯・朱利安（Stanislas Julien 1797-1873）遺贈與他的，其中還包含朱利安從其老師埃布爾・雷慕沙（1788-1832 Abel Rémusat）處繼承而來的書籍。這些漢籍在學術史上是應該得到重視的。在日本的古典籍中，發現了由赴歐日本知識分子所贈與的，或是巴黎萬國博覽會出品的書籍。其中的一部分書籍里，由羅斯尼編纂並作為日語教材使用的例子有不少。他的日語教材用今天的一般水平來看，並不能說是有組織的編纂，但其收錄了同時代多種多樣的書面日本語這一部分可以說是具有實踐意義的內容。其漢籍的藏書，包含了從明萬曆（16世紀後半）到清光緒（19世紀末期）的版本，也有許多雍正、乾隆、嘉慶、道光時期（18世紀中葉～19世紀中葉）的版本。按照四部分類，大致為經部（110部）、史部（90部）、子部（200部）、集部（80部）。與中國或日本的一般性藏書相比較，從印象上來講，経書・諸子（思想）的文獻較少，佛教或道家的文獻比較豐富；歷史文獻比較少，地理或政治制度方面的文獻比較豐富。附有眉批和尾批的通俗書籍和白話小說也較多。整體看來，傾向於語言文字學習類書籍的意味比較強。另外，其中出現了許多在日本完全沒有傳本或者傳本較少的書籍，這或許反應了漢籍流向日本的管道與漢籍流向歐美的管道之間的差異。
The paths taken for the dissemination of the Buddhist doctrine, by means of its sacred texts and images, have been extremely far-flung, even if they are conventionally labelled under the single name of the “Silk Road.” The penetration of Buddhism did not always occur from west to east, through Central Asia and Chang’an, and ultimately to Japan. One of the axes on this communication network reached what is today the province of Yunnan, in the extreme south-west of China. There, images of esoteric Buddhism circulated widely. The “Long Scroll,” Daliguo Fanxiang juan 大理國梵像卷, painted by Zhang Shengwen 張勝瘟 between 1173 and 1176 at the court of the Kingdom of Dali (937-1253), has preserved several images of one of the most popular deities, the Bodhisattva Guanyin. The comparison between several Dunhuang paintings of the “Thousand-armed Guanyin” and the Dali Scroll, highlights striking artistic similarities in the portrayal of Guanyin in these two very distant geographical locations.
This paper tries to connect a center of Buddhist manuscript production in Gilgit (which was linked to centers for manuscript production in Khotan) with a network of regional shrines marked by petroglphs and graffiti inscriptions and attested in the accounts of East Asian travelers who followed pathways along the Upper Indus River between the 5th and 8th centuries CE. It will present some results of field research at the site of Shatial Bridge, which served as a pivotal commercial, cross-cultural, and religious nexus for exchanges between Sogdian, Indian, and local visitors near the “Hanging Passages” (Xuandu).
This article provides an historical account of the impact of the Yijing (Classic of Changes) in Tibet. Based primarily on Chinese and Tibetan primary sources, this pioneering study examines the Tibetan reception of the Yijing and its related concepts and symbols. For instance, the five agents and the eight hexagrams can be found in Tibetan mythology, religion, literature, art, architecture, medicine, and geomancy. Through an investigation of the role of the Yijing in Tibetan history, religion, and culture, in particular how the book’s symbolism and divination were incorporated into Tibetan indigenous traditions, this study sheds light on the localization and appropriation of the Yijing in China’s neighboring tribes. It indicates that the historical reception of the Yijing in Tibet was a process of assimilating Chinese knowledge into Tibetan culture and religion. This study will contribute significantly to a comparative study of the Yijing in Asia
This paper focuses on how Qing Beijing served as both an importer and exporter of Tibetan religious scriptures and was an important center of translation between Tibetan, Chinese, Manchu, and Mongolian. I take as a particular case study a ritual text by the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lobzang Gyatso (1617-1682) that was published by his government printing house in a xylographic edition shortly after its composition in 1673. Within three years the text was published in a new xylographic edition in Beijing and over the next sixty years at least four more editions of the text were engraved onto woodblocks in the Qing capital. By the mid-eighteenth century the text had been published several times in both Chinese and Mongolian versions, and by the nineteenth century several Tibetan and Mongolian language editions were printed as far north as the southeast shores of Lake Baikal in the present-day Republic of Buryatia in Russia. The Chinese translation was eventually included in the Taisho edition of the Chinese Buddhist Canon. The publishing history of this text allows us to consider some of the motivations for the publication, exchange, performance, and translation of Tibetan texts across Asia during the Qing.
Scholars of medieval Chinese literary culture often dismiss materials from Dunhuang as, while interesting in their own right, unlikely to be representative of practices closer to the political and cultural center of the empire, such as the capital cities of Chang’an and Luoyang. In fact, while Dunhuang may have been distant geographically, many of its elite families maintained strong cultural ties with the capital region and desired their sons to receive an education similar to that received by their peers closer to the imperial center. In Dunhuang, much of this education took place at monastic schools where the sons studied as lay students; a substantial number of the works they read and copied are among documents recovered from the famous cave 17. My paper discusses a set of these works, including Qianzi wen 千字文, Kaimeng yaoxun 開蒙要訓, Zachao 雜抄, Tuyuan cefu 兔園策府, and Xinji wenci jiujing chao 新集文詞九經抄, and explores what they can tell us about how secular educational texts circulated on the Silk Road between the capital and Dunhuang (and as far as Japan). By looking both at the content and at the material aspects of these texts, we can gain important insights into medieval educational practices from the capital to Dunhuang and beyond.
The Gandhāran monk Jñānagupta (528–605) is best known as a prolific chief translator serving at the Suí dynasty capital of Dàxīng. But before serving the Suí, Jñānagupta was a Buddhist wanderer on the Silk Road as a missionary, as a translator of Buddhist texts, and as a refugee. Having made the long journey from Gandhāra to China across the southern route, by 557 Jñānagupta settled in the Northern Zhōu state, where he worked as a translator with Jñānabhadra, Jinayaśas, and Yaśogupta. His translation activity came to a sudden halt with the Northern Zhōu proscription of Buddhism in 574. After the proscription, Jñānagupta fled north, residing at the Turkish court of Taspar Qaghan until being summoned to the new Suí regime in 586.
This paper will use Chinese Buddhist histories and hagiographies to outline the Turkish patronage of Buddhism, and will argue that the life of Jñānagupta gives us a unique window into the role played by the Turks in the preservation of Buddhist books and learning during the Zhōu proscription.
Since the Russo-Japanese War, Japan had aggressively intruded into Chinese Mainland and the Korea peninsula. During the existence of Manchukuo, Japan launched various kinds of cultural cause across the territory of Manchu. This thesis researches on the photocopying, publishing and circulation of books in the age of Manchukuo and focuses on the photocopying and publishing of Da Qing lichao shilu 大清歴朝実録 (Veritable Records of Successive Reigns of the Qing Dynasty).
Previous researchers have been aware of the relationship of Daqing lichao shilu and Japan-Manchukuo Cultural Society (日満文化協会). And it has been pointed out that the success of publishing the book was owing to the cooperation between Naito Konan 内藤湖南 and Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉. And Kobayashi Chujiro 小林忠治郎, who had remained continuous relationship with Naito Konan and Luo Zhenyu, was responsible for the actual work of photocopying. Kobayashi was a typographer who had mastered the exquisite collotype technology. He was a significant technician on the photocopy career of Chinese books in both Chinese and Japanese modern history. In addition, Kobayashi had frequent contact with scholars, including Dong Kang 董康 and Fu Zengxiang 傅增湘, and participated in massive work of photocopying rare books and editions. I am privileged to obtain a batch of original literature from the collection of Kobayashi’s family. And among those literature, the author found abundant detail record on Kobayashi Chujiro’s trip to Mukden 奉天 in 1934 and his participation of plate-making and photocopying work during that trip. Based on the reference mentioned above, this research is aim to explain the following questions：
-Why was Daqinglichaoshilu selected?
-How was the process of photocopy and publishing that Kobayashi Chujiro participated in?
-How wide was the scope of the circulation of Da Qing lichao shilu? What was the reviews of it?
-How do we define the significance of Da Qing lichao shilu?
The dominant religion of pre-Islamic Sogdiana was a local form of Zoroastrianism, and this has led most scholars to assume a correlation with the religious beliefs and practices within the Sogdian community settled in China. However, the wealth of archaeological and visual data unearthed in China and Central Asia in the last two decades, as well as recent analysis of the socio-ethnological structure of Central Asian communities in China have laid grounds for new questionings about the exact nature of these religious traditions, their cultural affiliation to pre-Islamic Central Asia and their acclimation to the social, ethnic and geopolitical context of Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang China (ca. 550 to 900 CE). Textual sources, as well as archaeological and iconographical ones, show clear evidence that from the 6th to the 10th century CE, members of the central Asian communities continuously maintained religious traditions that shared many common features with religious practices of their homeland. These sources, however, also shed a light on many contradictions, and whereas proof exists that some elements of Zoroastrian liturgy remained orthodox in China, textual and visual descriptions of Central Asian rituals betray many idiosyncrasies. My research aims at exploring these discrepancies in order to sketch the outlines of a coherent religious tradition, as well as to distinguish what seems to be the consequence of an evolution of Central Asian Zoroastrianism due to contact with other Chinese and Central Asian religious traditions, and what could be in fact a misinterpretation of Chinese literati and artists.
My paper will focus on various images of gatherings showing Central Asians engaged in religious festivals. Mostly carved and painted on stone, but also sometimes painted on silk or tomb walls, these images have very specific common characteristics: a crowd of people dressed as Central Asians, a main figure in the centre that acts as if he were presiding the ritual, ritual implements and allusions to heavy drinking and dancing. What exactly were these ceremonies? Were these features typical of Central Asian/Zoroastrian religious ceremonies, or were they stereotypes constructed by Chinese artists to enhance a sense of exoticism? My paper will aim at offering a critical analysis of these images in order to isolate visual codes and languages, to trace their origin and significance, and last but not least, to attempt to identify these ceremonies. While focusing on a specific pictorial theme, it intends to offer tools for a better understanding of the multi-faceted narrative of the diffusion of a Central Asian religion in China.
In a recent article (Roddy, 2015), I discuss the allusions to the Yurungkash River (the main source of Khotanese nephritic jade) in Ueda Akinari’s short story collection, Ugetsu monogatari (1776). This and other continentally inspired references in that text serve to underline the literati-inspired cosmopolitanism that coexisted symbiotically with the Native Studies (Wagaku) School of which Akinari was a leading scholar. Such cross-cultural currents are also evident in the early-nineteenth century zhuzhici (J. chikushiji) Kanshi poems written about the Tamagawa (the largest river in the Tokyo area). The popularity of zhuzhici in Japan (and also in Korea) had much to do with its proliferation in China in the 17th and 18th centuries, where it emerged as a widely used lyrical form for recording geographic and ethnographic observations across the Qing Empire. In a forthcoming article (Roddy, 2018), I discuss zhuzhici poetry written by 18th and 19th century Qing officials posted or exiled to Xinjiang, and the role such poems played in making that region legible to the reading public of China proper. Indeed, one can trace the arc of zhuzhici from Kashgar in the far west, through Hangzhou’s West Lake (a perennial topic of zhuzhici from the Song to the Qing Dynasties), to Joseon-era Pyeongyang and the city of Edo in eastern Japan. Its vast reach attests to the effectiveness of circuits of cultural and economic exchange in this era, but also to the features of zhuzhici that made it malleable to local adaptation. In this paper, I examine the incorporation of indigenous vocabulary and syntax (Uighur, Mongolian, Tibetan, Wu Dialect, Korean, and Japanese) in zhuzhici, a feature that was almost unique in classical Chinese verse, and one that made it a potent vehicle for articulating pan-Asian intellectual and literary currents then ascendant in China, in particular (see Roddy, 2016).
A large quantity of Chinese texts on Tibetan tantric Buddhism can be found among the Khara Khoto Collection that represent invaluable sources for the historical study of Tangut Buddhism. A preliminary study in these texts has already revealed the fact that Tibetan Buddhism was very popular, and perhaps even the most dominant religious belief, amongst the Tangut and Chinese peoples during at least the late period of the Tangut kingdom. However, it is very intriguing that the Tibetan original of a great majority of these texts cannot be identified. Even if a text was seemingly translated into both Chinese and Tangut at the same time, it is still very difficult to trace back its origin; often, there are noticeable differences between Chinese and Tangut translations of the same text. Through a close reading of these texts in a comparative fashion, we have noticed that various elements of Chinese cultural and religious traditions were often seamlessly embedded into these Tibetan tantric Buddhist texts. Many Chinese texts of Tibetan Tantric Buddhism were intentionally modified and re-edited by skillful Chinese hands in order to make them more acceptable to and approachable by Chinese exoteric Buddhists. Moreover, Tibetan tantric Buddhist influence on Chinese Buddhism became quite visible during this time, as we have gleaned through careful study of Chinese Buddhist texts from the Tangut period; in a Chinese Huayan Buddhist Text, for instance, we identified numerous quotations from Tibetan Buddhist Tantras and other ritual texts. Suffice to say, Tibetan tantric Buddhist ideas and practices were handily integrated into the daily practices of Chinese Huayan Buddhists. Through the intensified interactions between Chinese exoteric and Tibetan esoteric Buddhism, these two traditions were integrated in a very unique way and eventually formed a new and distinctive tradition of Tangut Buddhism.
True, silk was one famous commodity among many that changed hands and traveled in different directions across Inner Asia: Central Asia, South Asia, and East Asia. Most historians have referred to textual references of silks for their economic value and function, such as taxation and currency. Until recently, most art historians prefer to analyze other more esteemed media such as painting and architecture; some now show a greater interest in textile motifs, while textile historians also examine their techniques. Yet, textiles embody more knowledge than just their motifs and techniques; but most scholars lack the training and experience to read textiles as documents. When interpreted in the historical, trans-cultural, and cross-regional context of their find spots and possible sites of manufacture, textiles can reveal much about their makers and users. Using an interdisciplinary approach, I have been studying textile finds to reconstruct composite identities of peoples who left little or no texts: women, artisans, and since the last few years, nomads as well . In this paper I will show some ways of how one can read textile finds as documents and explore how different kinds of knowledge came to be shared by multi-ethnic groups in the first millennium with three examples, one each from the Tarim Basin, the Sichuan Basin, and Japan. These examples will show how Buddhism played an integral part in facilitating the transmission of knowledge across borders and boundaries beyond intention.
Generally accepted view on the history of Tangut Buddhism implies that its core process was that of the transition from the Sinitic traditions to the Tibetan. Superficially, such conceptualization appears justifiable, however, it fails to consider a variety of textual evidence pertaining to both Sinitic and Tibetan Buddhism, which continues to emerge. These newly identified texts resist their classification as simply Sinitic or Tibetan but dictate the necessity of their reevaluation from the perspective of the Buddhist exchange networks in Central Asia. Parts of this Tangut Buddhist network functioned along the earlier fragments of the original Silk Road. The research agenda thus is to specify different textual categories with the Tangut corpus of the Tangut Buddhist literature, or even specific texts, and trace their origins and possible paths of circulation on the former Silk Road. Currently it appears that the Tangut Buddhism as a whole, emerged as the result of a complex process of interaction, transmission and mutual borrowing, and is better understood from the perspective of the Buddhist “book road” or “teachings road”, which in the Tangut case extended as far East as Hangzhou area, and as far as Amdo area to the West. The exchange on this “teaching road” coincided with the culmination of the Tangut domination in Central Asia, which in turn accounts for the fact that there was no time disparity between Sinitic and Tibetan traditions in Xixia. This puts the circulation of both Sinitic and Tibetan texts in Xixia into a similar time frame of the mid. 12th– century. Additionally, the growth of circulation of both Sinitic and Tibetan texts coincided with the resurrection of the Tangut Confucianism and codification of the Tangut indigenous lore. Thus, the traditional concept of the history of Tangut Buddhism probably has to be reconsidered with these considerations in mind.
26. Mariko Namba Walter 南波マリ子 (ACANSRS/Harvard): The Lotus Sūtra and Avalokiteśvara worship in Khotan and among the Uigurs in pre-modern Central Asia
Among many Mahāyāna manuscripts discovered in the present-day northwestern China, the Lotus Sūtra was one of the most popular texts, which was widely revered, studied, copied, and recited by the people in the oasis towns and cities of Central Asia. These major oasis settlements were Khotan, Kucha, Turfan, and Tunhuang along the northern and southern routes of the Silk Road surrounding the Taklamakan Desert.
Khotan was the major Buddhist kingdom in the southern rim of the Tarim Basin from the first century and many Mahāyāna sūtras and commentaries were translated into Khotanese from around the 8th to 11th centuries, although Sanskrit had been the official church language. No full translation of the Lotus Sūtra in Khotanese is extant but there exists a summary of the sūtra titled “the Book of the Lotus of the Excellent Law”. Moreover a text containing Avalokiteśvara-Dhāraṇī in Khotanese, which partially corresponds with its Chinese versions was also found. The evidence of the Khotanese postscripts at the end of the chapters in the Sanskrit Lotus Sūtra, the Avalokiteśvara -Dhāraṇī, as well as a summary book of the Lotus Sūtra in the local vernacular language all suggest that the Lotus Sūtra had been one of the significant Mahāyāna sūtras in Khotan.
As for Uighur texts, there are mainly two kinds of extant texts related to the Lotus Sūtra. One of them is a manuscript from the chapter of Devadatta and the other is the text related to Avalokiteśvara. These Lotus Sūtra related texts were translated from Chinese, namely from Kumārajīva’s Miao-fa lian-hua jing, judging from the content of the Uighur texts. Also many Uighur fragments of the text called Avadāna regarding Guanyin jing 観were also discovered in Yarkhoto, Turfan and Dunhuang. The longest version, 224 lines in total, belong to the collections in St. Petersberg, Russia. Interestingly this Guanyin text, dated 1330 C.E., includes a vow to the Bodhisattva that was taken by merchants or caravan leaders in the face of disasters. Among the Uighurs, the relevance to the Lotus Sūtra seems to have manifested as Avalokite¢vara worship, whose names were chanted by the merchants, the monks and the commoners, in order to avoid troubles and dangers in their daily life.
The teachings of the Lotus Sūtra were probably introduced early by the Indian missionary monks (from Gandhāra?), Kushanas, Kashmiris, Sogdians, or other peoples in Central Asia, but the real impetus of the sūtra worship for the Uighur originated from China, which developed as the center of the veneration of the Lotus Sūtra, that spread around the time of the Tang dynasty. My paper explores the worship of the Lotus Sūtra / Avalokiteśvara in both Khotanese and Uighur texts.
27. Michelle C. Wang 王慧兰 (Georgetown University): Birds of a Feather: Mahāmayūrī between Khotan and Dunhuang
Mahāmayūrī, the Great Wisdom Peacock King (or Peahen), is typically depicted in East Asian art with multiple arms and seated atop a peacock mount. Revered for its protective and rain-bringing abilities, Mahāmayūrī was the focus of devotion in China and especially in Japan.
A ninth to tenth century silk banner painting that was acquired by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2007 (Purchase, The Vincent Astor Foundation Gift, 2007.294a, b), however, represents the deity in a standing posture lacking a peacock mount and with only two arms, one of which bears a single peacock feather. Generally believed to have come from Dunhuang, the painting was acquired during one of Aurel Stein’s expeditions to the Mogao and Yulin caves. Taking this unusual painting as a starting point, my paper will argue that the unique iconographic and stylistic features of the painting reflect South Asian, Iranian, and Central Asian prototypes, in particular those originating from Khotan. Furthermore, Mahāmayūrī as an isolated motif appears in eight of the Mogao caves in mural paintings that were executed during the tenth century. Certain of these cave shrines bear Guiyijun donor inscriptions. Taking into account the marriage alliances that were forged between the Cao clan of the Guiyijun and the kingdom of Khotan during this period, my paper will furthermore consider the role of Khotan in the transmission of the cult of Mahāmayūrī to Dunhuang. In so doing, this paper will shed light on the networks by which artifacts of Buddhist material culture were transmitted to Dunhuang, a Silk Road entrepôt, as well as how mobility and trans-cultural transmission are registered differently in portable and stationary images.
28. Wang Yong 王勇 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學): 奈良时代的书籍之路——以第十二次遣唐使为例
29. Wei Wenbin 魏文斌 (Lanzhou University 蘭州大學) : 高僧帛法祖、法祚兄弟的遇害——3世紀後期至4世紀的中國北方佛教
30. Wu Jiang 吳疆 (University of Arizona): The Trade of Buddhist Books at Nagasaki in the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries as Seen from Hakusai shomoku 舶載書目: With Special Attention to the Purchase of the Jiaxing Canon嘉興藏 and the Role of Ōbaku 黃檗 Monks
The Sino-Japanese trade through Nagasaki in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has drawn considerable scholarly attention because such kind of exchange of goods has great impact on both sides. Among all the cargos loaded from the Chinese coast and then unloaded in Japan was a special kind of commodity, which was only marginal in volume and value in the entire trade but had even more long-lasting cultural effects on both sides. This kind of commodity was books. One area of the Nagasaki book trade, however, was neglected in Ōba Osamu’s study: there was constantly the presence of Buddhist titles and particularly the Buddhist canon in the various catalogues of the book trade. This area of the book trade is important because we know that in addition to merchants and sailors who called at Nagasaki, Chinese Buddhist monks, mostly the Obaku monks belonging to Yinyuan Longqi’s lineage, were frequently summoned to serve at local temples in Nagasaki. As the émigré Chinese monks during this period were renowned for their literary talent, books were indispensable for them to establish their literary reputation. Thus, it is reasonable to hypothesize that Chinese monks, in addition to Chinese and Japanese merchants, had played certain roles in the Nagasaki book trade. In this paper, I attempt to establish such a connection through examining some book-related activities of the Ōbaku monks. In the first place, I introduce various primary sources reprinted by Ōba Osamu, which I based my study on. Then I shall focus on one of the most comprehensive catalogues Hakusai shomoku and single out all Buddhist titles for study. In particularly, I will explain the purchase of the Buddhist canon and the link to the three Chinese monasteries in Nagasaki and the Ōbaku monks.
31. Wu Lan 烏蘭 (Mount Holyoke College): Epistolary Buddhist Network from Kathmandu to Beijing in the 1740s
The written word holds a central place in Tibetan Buddhism. Extant texts in various mediums—manuscripts, printed texts, or inscriptions—attest to a vibrant intellectual community of Tibetan Buddhists that existed for centuries throughout the Himalayas and Inner Asia. Most texts were written by monastic figures and mass-produced in monastic print houses (Tibetan: par khang). Research based on these sources has obscured lesser-known traces of knowledge transmission. This paper investigates the production and reception of a non-monastic manuscript titled History of Buddhism in China (Tibetan: rgya nag chos ‘byung) and seeks to locate knowledge production and transmission at the juncture of a religious network and a trading network. This Tibetan language manuscript was authored by a Mongol statesman in Beijing during his time overseeing the Tibetan Language Office of the Qing court in the 1730s and 1740s. The text travelled to the Kathmandu Valley in present-day Nepal after it was printed in an eastern Tibetan monastic print house in the 1740s.
Disagreeing with a handful of points in the manuscript, a Tibetan Buddhist prelate drafted a letter to seek clarification. The text and its subsequent travels across the Himalayas bring to light a cross-regional and multi-cultural intellectual network contingent upon a flourishing Buddhist literary community long in the making. The Buddhists’ epistolary exchange came to shape the contour of the network and constructed a religious identity extending beyond ethnicity.
32. Lidu Yi 衣麗都 (Florida International University): Cross-cultural Buddhist Cave-chapels: Yungang,the Silk Road and Beyond
To many, the Silk Road is the route of a caravan of camels carrying silk, paper and spices for trade. In fact, the Silk Road was not just for the exchange of goods, but more importantly, it was a road for transmission of religions, ideologies, technologies, books, arts and architecture. It was a road of cultural clash, acceptance, exchange and integration.
The art and architecture of Yungang, a 5th-century court cave complex, and UNESCO World Heritage site, exemplifies the infusion of various cultural, material, and religious exchanges between the west and east, north and south, as well as religious and secular influences, all into a Buddhist rock-cut cave temple complex. The art, architecture, and liturgical rituals in Yungang are the result of rather complicated cross-cultural phenomena. Such intricacy does not appear in any other Buddhist cave temples in China, or even the whole of Asia. The architecture, imagery, and liturgy in Yungang all bear marks of multicultural origins. One can observe Greek and Roman influences, and Indian and Gandhara influences, as well as the implantation of elements from Xinjiang and Liangzhou.
Archaeological excavations above the caves in 2009, 2010 and 2012 have shed significant new light on the architectural configurations of monastery ruins in Yungang and in the Northern Wei capital Pingcheng, the functions of different sections of the entire cave complex, as well as monastic life within it. For the first time, it is possible to reconstruct where the monks lived, meditated and translated sacred literary texts, and to fully understand that freestanding monasteries are an important component of the rock-cut cave complex. These new discoveries not only explained why the Yungang complex does not have vihara (residence) caves, but also provided scientific evidence on the process of the excavation of Yungang.
These findings triggered my inquiries into the sacred areas and monastery ruins at Takht-i-Bāhī in the Peshawar Basin, Pakistan, as well as the monastery ruins of Mekhasanda, Jaulian, Dharmarajika and Thareli since they demonstrate similarities of architectural configurations with those in Yungang. This paper therefore examines the art and architectural dissemination and integration of different cultures through the Silk Road.
33. Yu Xin 余欣 (Fudan University 復旦大學): The Western Frontier of Chinese Official History: Writing and Reading of The History of the Former Han Dynasty in Serindia
Historical writing made great advances during the Han period, as seen in Ban Gu’s Han shu (History of the Former Han Dynasty). Ban Gu introduced new historiographical methods, including discussion of dynastic legitimacy and new textual formats, which were emulated by official historiographical writing over the succeeding two thousand years.
Manuscripts of The History of the Former Han Dynasty from Dunhuang and Turfan provide invaluable information about the nitty-gritty details of history-writing and the workings of historical memory. I have discovered twelve early manuscripts of the text (most in China or central Asia, some in Japan) that provide information about the activities of copying, collating, and annotating. But I am interested in more than simply textual variation and the process of filiation. Rather, I use these twelve manuscripts to better understand the system of local education and how history was taught and learned. The manuscripts provide a window into the world of different types of people who used or copied the text, including historians, generals, non-Han peoples learning Chinese, and women. They also demonstrate the very close connections obtaining between standard historical works and moral education, elementary textbooks, encyclopedias, epigraphy, and popular literature. The value of manuscript sources in this case is that they allow us to see how the canonical history was one small part of a broader set of cultural practices.
34. Zhang Naizhu 張乃翥 (The Academy of the Longmen Grottos龍門石窟研究院): 西域藝術風尚與洛陽中古石刻美術之互動 (The interactions between the art of stone inscriptions in the Luoyang area and the Central Asian artistic style during the medieval period)
35. Zhang Yongquan 張湧泉 (University of Zhejiang): 試論敦煌殘卷綴合的意義